Note before starting: Jeff J. Brown will interview Thomas Powell the last half of January 2025 about his amazing and critically important historical discovery. Stay tuned.

Thomas Powell is a founding member of the Bioweapons Truth Commission.(BWTC: www.bioweapontruth.com). He is a sculptor and writer, and he has written numerous journal articles on biological warfare in the past. He is the author of the The Secret Ugly: The Hidden History of US Germ War in Korea (https://www.amazon.com/Secret-Ugly-Hidden-History-Korea/dp/0926664069/). He is currently working on a history of the Korean War, Remembering Is an Act of Civil Disobedience, (due out 6/25) which challenges much conventional wisdom about the war and its causes.

General Sams’ Bubonic Plague Ship Is Discovered!

By Thomas Powell

 The notorious “Bubonic Plague Ship” of the US Navy has been found beached in Northern California. LSIL 1091 laboratory vessel was used to breed dysentery and cholera epidemics among North Korean and Chinese POWs at the sprawling Koje Island Prison Camp during the Korean War.

LCI(L) 1091 brand new out of the shipyard awaiting a crew for its maiden voyage down the Mississippi River.  September 1944 (NavSource online photo archive)

Samoa, California is remote even by the local standards of Humboldt County. A few hearty souls live on this sandbar, huddled in the lee of its dunes in quaint hand-built seaside homes reminiscent of the “drop city” camps of the 1960’s. This spit of heaved up sand dune runs north to south to create the natural estuary of Humboldt Bay and the safe harbor of the Gold Rush city of Eureka. From the windward side of Samoa, only a hundred yards away, the Pacific Ocean, North America’s deepest and widest moat, stretches 5,000 miles (8,000km) across unbroken sea to the rugged and rocky islands of Japan.

Considerable local history has accrued to this remote outpost of California civilization including the Trinity gold rush, horrific Indian massacres, the expulsion of the Chinese, the glory days of the Redwood Empire, the once thriving salmon industry, and the short-lived but flourishing ship-building industry. Rolled out of the water on redwood logs and under the shadow of the vast depot of the Samoa Smokehouse sits the rusted, beached hulk of the most unheralded naval vessel in all American history. This craft is LSIL 1091.

Originally classified as a Landing Craft Infantry (Large) LCI(L), 1091 is an ugly duckling even as grey WWII steel-clad warships go. It is flat-bottomed and square-hulled. Steel plates run up the ship’s sides to enclose the mid-ship house with its two forward cannon turrets, and two aft machine gun turrets. There is a forepeak house for repairs and ramp stowage at the bow, and there are open fore and aft decks, but there are no outside passageways, no masts, no lifeboats, and few portholes to clutter the severity of its profile. It is a military product of form follows function.

This particular landing craft design is attributed to Winston Churchill, and it is a foreboding war engine. Its purpose was to transport and rapidly discharge an invading amphibious force of 200 marines equipped with guns, ammo, and rations sufficient to establish a beachhead. The flat bottom allowed the LCI to run ashore in shallow water.  An innovative hatch in the ship’s bow swung open at the waterline. From this maw slid a 40 ft. (13m) ramp like an extending tongue to grapple onto the beach. When the ship grounded the entire deployment of troops could charge onto the beach in a matter of minutes while covered by the ship’s cannons and machine guns. Half a dozen of these vessels launched against a fortified shoreline was a formidable manned amphibious assault.

Number LCI(L) 1091 was built late in the war in 1944 by Defoe Shipbuilding Company of Bay City, MI. (The total production run of LCI (L) ships for WWII was 1098) It was 158’ (51m) long and 23’ (7.4m) wide, with a 236-ton (214mt) displacement when empty. It was propelled up to a sustained speed of 14 knots by two sets of four harnessed diesel engines driving twin propellers, and it carried a crew of 24 sailors with four commanding officers. It arrived in the Pacific Theater in time to participate in the assault on Okinawa Gunto, (April-June 1945). When the Pacific War ended two months later in August 1945 with the unconditional surrender of Japan, 1091 was reassigned to Occupation mine sweeping duty at Kochi-Shikoku and Nagoya harbor.

Landing Craft operations, 1945 (NavSource online photo archive)

Operation Crossroads

1091’s clandestine activities began the following year when the ship was assigned as a support vessel to Operation Crossroads of Joint Task Force 1. This project ushered in the resumption of US atomic bomb tests following the obliteration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Under the command of Admiral H.P. Blandy, the US conducted two A-bomb tests on June 30 and July 26, 1946, at Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands. Test Abel (#4 atom bomb detonation) was a “fat man” replica dropped free fall to explode at 518 ft. (167m) above the water where a dozen decommissioned US, Japanese, and German warships were anchored within the atoll lagoon. The purpose of the test was to address the Navy’s concern to know if a large flotilla of warships was vulnerable to an A-bomb attack. The Abel explosion created a fast-rising column of debris mushrooming into a cauliflower bloom high into the stratosphere. Remarkably, the heat vortex of the detonation sucked the radioactive fallout and debris into the atmosphere disbursing it to rain far and wide across the planet. Bikini Atoll was only lightly contaminated by Abel.

Test Baker (#5) was a different story. Baker was an underwater test. The bomb was suspended beneath a sacrificial ship LSM-60 at 90 ft (29m) of depth midpoint between the lagoon floor and the surface. The concussion created a rapidly expanding gas bubble which hit the seafloor and the surface simultaneously and burst into the air. LSM-60 was vaporized; no part of LSM-60 was ever identified. The explosion created a rapidly expanding fireball of radioactive fallout and water vapor known as a Wilson hemisphere. Simultaneously, a highly radioactive white “crack” spread across the water surface. A massive column of water geysered into the air, blasting the fireball and cracked asunder as it gushed dramatically upward into its cauliflower crown. The entire atoll was saturated in radioactive fallout.

A-bomb Test Baker July 26, 1946 (Wiki-commons)

In the succeeding three weeks it became apparent that the radioactive contamination of the damaged target vessels and shore infrastructure could not be scrubbed clean of toxic levels of radioactivity. The lagoon water was so defiled with radioactive elements that surviving reef fish glowed. Support vessels entering the lagoon after the detonation could not be scrubbed of radioactive toxicity and had to be scuttled at sea. Operation Crossroads health officer, Army Colonel Dr. Stafford Warren who had been Chief of the Medical Section for the Manhattan Project pulled the plug on the third planned Crossroads Test (#6) code named Charlie. Admiral Blandy was outraged, but ultimately acquiesced to science. Warren’s decision revealed a growing rift between the Depts. of War and Navy over control of the future deployment of the atom bomb. The role LCI(L) 1091 played in the Crossroads tests was support—a tender ship running errands, delivering mail, shuttling cargo and personnel across an immense ocean. But Abel and Baker were hardly routine events; they were carefully planned actions which from our vantage of historical hindsight have pushed the human species ever closer towards mass extinction.

Drone Warfare

Following Crossroads, LCI(L) 1091 returned to Japan and the Occupation boat pool. In 1949 the craft was re-designated Landing Ship Infantry (Large) LSIL-1091. The ship was activated for Korea duty in MacArthur’s call up for war, immediately following North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950. This is when 1091 was quickly converted into the Navy’s smallest aircraft carrier. While much of 1091’s Korean service was clandestine and has been redacted in official navy records, this mission was memorable and heroic in its way.

The aft deck of 1091 was outfitted with a catapult to launch reconnaissance drones. These drones were radio controlled from the ship to circle inland, take photos of the city of Inchon with its troop deployments, fortification, factories, rail lines, and harbor, then circle back to ditch into the sea where 1091 could retrieve it. Enemy positions could then be relayed to offshore gunboat artillery. 1091 gathered intelligence in the defense of the Pusan Perimeter and in preparations for the Inchon Landing. Drone aerial reconnaissance was part of Gen. MacArthur’s invasion toolkit.

1091 had plenty of hold space for drones and cargo where assault troops had previously been bunked. The vessel was quickly adapted to this new espionage role. Some background on drones is interesting. Austria had used unmanned hot air balloons to drop incendiary devices from above as far back as 1849. The US Army began funding drone research during WWI. In WWII drones were used as decoys and for surveillance as radio controls improved and drones were able to penetrate deeper inland. Two drones had been sent into the mushroom cloud of A-bomb Baker with measuring devices and sample collectors, and the US Army was already purchasing half a dozen drone models from as many suppliers. In Korea, drone warfare became operational. LSIL 1091 was at the cutting edge of this new warfare technology.

LSIL 1091 epidemiology laboratory vessel docked at Koje Island, Dec-Mar, 1951 (NavSource online photo archive)

Gen. Sams Acquires a Floating Medical Laboratory

With the success of the US/UN landing at Inchon and the ponderous triumphal march of X Corps on Seoul, the renamed LSIL-1091 returned to Japan from its second successful intelligence assignment. This is when the ship became available to Gen. Crawford Sams. Sams was a battle-hardened medic from the Allied campaigns in North Africa and Europe when he joined Gen. MacArthur’s command as theater surgeon in the Philippines in 1944. MacArthur was planning his Pacific island-hopping campaign with the climax invasion of Japan, and Sams fit in well with MacArthur’s inner circle known as the “Luzon Gang.” During the postwar occupation of Japan, Sams became the top US administrator of all social welfare services, including public education and health care in the Occupation government. He controlled the largest chunk of the Occupation budget and was given wide leeway by MacArthur on its allocation.

Sams already had a long and top-secret collaboration with both US and Japanese biological warfare (BW) personnel before outfitting his own medical lab ship in 1951. Sams was MacArthur’s bagman in Japan. He brokered a ¥1 million (~$12,300,000) plea deal with Gen. Ishii Shiro, Imperial Japan’s top bio-weaponeer and creator of the infamous Unit 731 death camp at Ping Fan near Harbin, China. Ishii threw a big party for his former staff and divvied up the loot. Sams became the patron and employer of many former Unit 731 doctors with well-paying medical jobs. In exchange for immunity from war crimes prosecution, Unit 731 staff went to work for the US.[1]

Sams allocated the budget for the new base hospital at Atsugi Airbase in Yokohama, which became the main hospital for the US Occupation Army and its community. Clandestinely, the hospital included Unit 406, a full spectrum bioweapon laboratory and germ production factory attached at the rear. The Army Corp of Engineers had rapidly built and staffed other BW labs with mass production plants at Ft. Detrick MD, Vigo IN, Pine Bluff AR, and Horn Island MS, so the construction and outfitting of a BW factory had become routine and efficient. To this day the CIA continues to build and export bioweapons labs around the world, often disguised as chemical plants or agricultural research stations. A dozen such facilities were revealed in Ukraine in 2022.[2]

In addition to Unit 406, Sams upgraded Ishii Shiro’s personal BW production lab, Böeki kenkyû-shitzu, (Tokyo Nutritional Research Center) located underground at the Army Medical College in Tokyo. The facility had survived the Tokyo bombing raids and was renamed J2C 406 as a subordinate entity to Unit 406. A third BW production facility engaged in mass insect breeding and bomb packaging was located at the Kyoto Imperial University. Unit 406 and J2C 406 were fully functional BW research and production plants by 1946 indicating the US Army’s intent to weaponize and use germ warfare long before the Korean War broke out.[3]

The conversion of LSIL 1091 into an “epidemic control” laboratory ship was its darkest espionage episode, but as a mechanical retrofit to the ship it was a simple modification. The ship had three holds—one forward, one aft and the midship hold where the medical lab was installed. Bulkhead partitions were added while the inside hull between the ship’s ribs held mesh cages housing lab mice. Benches and storage lockers were arranged as needed. The house with its living quarters was reached by an interior ladder. A locking hatch connected to the forward hold where patients or prisoners could be constrained on bunks.

Sleeping quarters in the forward hold (photo: T. Powell)

Sams’ explanation (in his subsequent interviews) for converting LSIL 1091 into a medical laboratory ship was to provide epidemic prevention in the war zone. As theater surgeon, troop inoculation against disease was his responsibility and this mobile lab boat was needed, however the opposite role of using the lab to breed and spread disease was also available, and these opposing tasks were not easily distinguishable, one from the other. The accusation of plague ship comes to us directly from Mao Zedong in his private correspondence with Joseph Stalin.[4] Mao’s accusation gains credence when we discover that the two Japanese medical doctors sent on board to conduct inoculations of Korean and Chinese POWs at the Koje Island prison Camp were none other than Gen. Wakamatsu Jiro and Gen. Kitano Masajo, Ishii Shiro’s top BW henchmen.[5]

The epidemiology laboratory was located here in the midship hold. (photo: T. Powell)

The screens on the exterior bulkhead were the lab-mice cages. (photo: T. Powell)

 Sam’s Shore Raid

          Sams put his administrative duties at HQ on autopilot when the battle in Korea heated up. Sams loved the adrenalin of war, and though he was well into middle age he was not going to sit this one out pushing paper in Tokyo. When the Chinese Peoples Volunteer Army (PVA) entered the war and routed the US/UN forces out of North Korea, Sams saw the opportunity for engagement using his lab ship behind enemy lines. Neither the PVA nor the Korean People’s Army (KPA) had a navy to challenge this warship. Nor did they have much heavy artillery, so this permitted the low draft LSIL 1091 to anchor close into shore. From there it could send raiding parties out to the numerous inhabited coastal islands to grab locals back to the ship for interrogation and BW experimentation.[6]

On board Sams’ plague yacht on this initial foray up the east coast of North Korea to Wonsan were Ishii, Kitano, and Wakamatsu.[7] Sams was being given a field demonstration of BW warfare by the three top BW experts of Japan! This modus operandi of kidnapping locals and injecting them with contagious disease was a continuation of Unit 731 methods well-developed at the Ping Fan death factory. Now it was being adapted to a mobile shipboard laboratory. The generals were talking shop; the BW war against the Chinese and Korean communists was a fully integrated US/Japan collaboration.

Sams’ most infamous combat role was a shore raid he launched from 1091 near the port of Wonsan on the east coast of North Korea in March 1951. Information had come to his attention describing a new disease which had broken out among Chinese PVA troops with symptoms resembling bubonic plague. Sams wanted to go ashore himself in North Korea to verify this intelligence, which if true would require the inoculation of the entire US/UN army in Korea at a huge cost and effort. Sams proposed to kidnap a sick PVA soldier from a communist field hospital, and to transport him back to the ship for testing.

This was a risky plan to obtain enemy medical intelligence. Sams was accompanied on this mission by the US Navy’s top commando team of Lt. Eugene J. Clark, Commander Youn and Col. Ke. These three soldiers had clandestinely penetrated two islands at the mouth of Inchon harbor for a whole week to map the harbor and obtain critical tidal information on the eve of the invasion. They barely escaped on a sampan in a blaze of bullets.

The raiding party was launched from LSIL 1091 in a rubber dingy. After a couple landing attempts were thwarted by communist gunfire from shore, Sams’ party moved to a further location and landed after dark. They proceeded to a village where three guards were killed, and a Korean medic was located who gave Sams a detailed account of the symptoms of the bubonic plague victims. Sams was able to make a remote assessment based on this intelligence and his own knowledge of disease pathology. This was not bubonic plague at all, Sams diagnosed, but hemorrhagic smallpox which in later stages displayed similar symptoms. The raiding party returned to 1091 without further incident and without need for a kidnapping victim, or a mass troop inoculation.[8]

This shore raid, while successful, was an exceedingly foolhardy mission for Sams to personally undertake. After all, he was one of MacArthur’s top generals at HQ and privy to all kinds of top-secret information including the entire US and Japanese BW programs. Most likely he didn’t mention his intent to personally participate in this shore raid. He would never have gotten permission as he knew far too much, and he was a couple decades and several pounds past commando age. It would have been a political disaster for the US/UN had he been captured. So why didn’t he just send Clark, Youn and Ke with instructions to bring back a sick or dead Chinese soldier? The most likely answer is that he was putting on a show for his three illustrious Japanese guests—Ishii, Kitano and Wakamatsu. The Army gave Sams a medal for this mission.

Diorama of the Prison Camp, Geoje Island Museum. (screenshot of Museum brochure)

Koje Island Prison Camp

With its cover blown at Wonsan, Sams and Ishii returned to Tokyo, while Wakamasu and Kitano continued on board back to their assignment at Koje Island. (Geoje-do) In very short order, Koje Island had become a sprawling prison colony housing 170,000 POWs.[9] The prisoners were not a homogenous group; there were the Chinese communist PVA soldiers, former Kuomintang soldiers who had been captured during the Chinese Civil War and pressed into the PVA; there were North Korean KPA soldiers, and South Korean ROKA soldiers. There were at least 80,000 homeless refugees from both North and South Korea who had been rounded up in the sweep. These prisoners were held at many locations across South Korea, and it became a logistical nightmare for the US/UN to feed and contain them as the harsh winter approached.

Island prisons offer obvious security advantages. Koje-do was the second largest island of South Korea with a population of more than 100,000 inhabitants. It was mountainous, irregular-shaped and close to Pusan harbor. The prison was laid out along a valley sloping to the sea. The prison Headquarters was built by the Army Corp of Engineers in Dec. 1950. It was then connected up and down the valley by a complex of fenced-in city blocks which were partitioned into barbed wire stockades. It began receiving prisoners in January 1951. Very quickly the prison complex grew to become many dozens of such stockade/compounds each with its rows of streets, barracks, Quonset huts, tents, and latrines. Each compound was intended for 700-1,200 prisoners, but because of the enormous number of POWs, the compounds were immediately overcrowded with 6,000-7,000 POWs in each compound Streets were also fenced off to create more necessary enclosures.

Violence broke out immediately in turf wars within the compounds as the rival armies— KPA, PVA, ROKA, various deserters and the right wing paramilitias were mixed together in the compounds.[10] Many prisoners were beaten and murdered by rival armies. This internal violence continued and then segued into the second conflict between the communist prisoners and their US jailors. This was a political and ideological battle which rapidly escalated into violence. The communist prisoners collectively refused to accept their POW status as defined by the 1949 Geneva Convention; they would not give up and sit out the rest of the war in captivity. [11] They used their incarceration to wage an offensive political struggle. The communist POWs painted banners, sang revolutionary songs, and held parades. They refused to stop, and this test of wills quickly erupted into violent repression. The US resorted to tanks, machine guns and flame throwers to suppress the protests. This standoff lasted 3 months, and included the dramatic capture of the base commandant, General Dodd.  Dodd’s ransom and the reprisals following this daring gambit by the POWs is a remarkable story in and of itself.[12]

The prison uprising killed 3,000 communist prisoners. The main issue of the prisoner protest was the second round of interrogation of each individual prisoner demanded by the US under its new protocol of “voluntary repatriation,” Accordingly, each POW would be interviewed a second time in order to formally choose the country of his repatriation. This political tactic was conceived by the Army Psychological Board as a means of counteracting the loss of prestige caused to the US by the Chinese and North Korean germ warfare charges which had been made very loudly to the international press. The US held 20 times more communist POWs than the enemy held UN/US prisoners, so voluntary repatriation became the US leverage in the ceasefire negotiations; it dragged the war out another 18 months. The US political goal was to create a major embarrassment to China and North Korea by enrolling a large number of defectors from the POWs. This political conversion task was undertaken by special units of Kuomintang and ROKA prison guards using torture, beating, bone breaking, bayoneting, and tattooing.

LSIL 1091 played an active role in the persuasion of the communist POWs to defect. Wakamasu and Kitano brewed up cholera and dysentery in their below deck lab to spread into designated compounds under the working premise that sick prisoners would put up less resistance to voluntary repatriation. 96,000 cases of dysentery were reported in the prison camp from Jan- May 1951. Over 19,000 cases required prisoner hospitalization with a mortality rate of 9%. There was the equivalent of: “150 major epidemics compressed into one. . . the cultures of Korea had the widest variety of suspicious colonies.”[13]

LSIL 1091 as it currently looks beached in Samoa, CA (photo: T. Powell)

The Subsequent Decades

LSIL 1091 earned two battle stars for WWII service and four battle stars for Korean War service. It was decommissioned from the Naval Register in 1955 in Astoria, Oregon. It was then sold privately for commercial use as a salmon cannery ship on the Yukon River in Alaska and renamed Bering Sea III. Not a lot is known about the ship during the next three decades of cannery service. We might assume from the lack of news that its existence as a cannery vessel was routine and uneventful. The things which made it exciting—its bow hatch and ramp, its guns, drone catapult, and medical laboratory, had been removed. Cannery equipment— tanks, fish boning and cleaning benches, pressure washers and steam sterilizers, cooking vats, canning conveyers, labeling and warehousing—this machinery had to be retrofitted into the hull. Once again, we see how versatile this boat design was and why it served its owner well for the next three decades in this efficient but mundane factory role.

In 1988, the ship was purchased by Dr. Ralph Davis, an LSIL Navy veteran. Davis converted the ship again into a deep-water fishing trawler. In spite of being tied to a dock for three decades, LSIL 1091 proved to be seaworthy. Davis rechristened it Ten-Nine-One, home port of McKinleyville, CA. and fished albacore on the Pacific Coast from 1995-2003. Davis retired and donated the vessel to the Humboldt Bay Naval Sea/Air Museum at Eureka, CA in 2005. The ship was an attraction for several years, but the museum could not afford the maintenance cost, and when it became evident the ship would sink without expensive dry dock repairs it was towed to the back door of the Samoa Smokehouse and pulled ashore.

Today, two elderly gents, retired Navy officers, keep watch over it as plans for a new Timber Museum at this location are finalized. Meanwhile, time and rust have accelerated the decline of 1091 as the accompanying photos show. During its first decade, 1944-1953, LSIL 1091 performed four clandestine missions. These were not minor missions; these were important historical deeds. What other Navy ship has served US war interests so faithfully and received so little recognition? From an unremarkable beginning as one of the last-of-its-kind warships, LSIL 1091 was at the right place at the right time and was sufficiently adaptable to become useful, and even central, in top secret US military operations of the Cold War. These were not minor adventures; they were important historic deeds. This is quite a litany of accomplishment for any ship.

Then, LSIL 1091 was privately disciplined for this dark past with three decades of menial penance through the endless repetition of a factory ship tied to a dock in Alaska. At last, redemption and thrill came again with a decade of high seas fishing adventure with Doc Davis, and finally, a comfortable retirement envisioned in its own slip at a maritime museum in Humboldt Bay. Regrettably, this storybook ending has been interrupted, and LSIL 1091 has much declined since its removal from the water. Who knows whether there is the will and funding to restore the ship. Perhaps, now that the really sordid chapters of 1091’s past have been aired, and the truly unique history of this vessel has now been revealed, it will become more valuable to the local community of Humboldt Bay to preserve this sinister and memorable heritage.

Notes

[1] Williams, Peter and David Wallace, Unit 731: The Japanese Army’s Secret of Secrets, Hodder and Stoughton, London, Sydney, Auckland, Toronto, 1989, p. 273

[2] Glenn Greenwald, March 9, 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yn_HZ3Ta-5w

[3] Powell, Thomas, The Secret Ugly: The Hidden History of US Germ War in Korea, Edgewater Editions, Sacramento, CA, 2023,  p. 108  Endicott and Hagerman mention another potential US bioweapon facility, 8003 Far East Medical Laboratory.

[4] Leitenberg, Milton, This claim by Mao to Stalin is made in Appendix #3, of Leitenberg’s essay, “China’s False   Allegations  of the Use of Biological Weapons by the United States during the Korean War”, The Wilson Center, CWIHP, Washington DC, March 25, 2016

[5] It is difficult to establish an exact timeline of events, but the most likely sequence is LSIL 1091 was sent to Koje Island with Wakamatsu and Kitano on board to begin the dysentery epidemics at the prison colony in January 1951. Sams and Ishii joined the ship in March for the Wonsan shore raid which was only 1 day’s travel up the east coast of Korea. 1091 returned to Koje Island following this mission, Sams and Ishii returned to Tokyo.

[6] Newsweek Magazine, April 9, 1951, unattributed news bulletin,  quoted in Williams and Wallace, op.cit., pp. 260-261

[7] Williams and Wallace, p. 273

[8] Powell, Thomas , The Secret Ugly,  Chap 10, pp 106-115. Hemorrhagic small pox was a new disease in Korea.

[9] This figure is commonly quoted. It is officially provided by the Guide book of the Geoje-do History Museum and Diorama.

[10] Ha Jin, War Trash, Vintage International, New York, 2004. Ha Jin’s novel provides us the best insight on what life for the POWs was like at the Koje Prison camp.

[11] Monika Kim, The Interrogation Rooms of the Korean War, Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford, 2019. Chap. 4 “Koje Island: A Mutiny, or Revolution,” Kim explains the opposing mindsets of the American jailors and the Chinese PVA and North Korean KPA prisoners. The agenda of post-WWII US colonialism to create a client state in Korea made this political and racial conflict unavoidable.

[12] The story of the Koje prison uprising will be discussed further in my upcoming book, Remembering Is an Act of Civil Disobedience: The Story of the Korean War, due out in 2025.

[13] Endicott, Stephen and Edward Hagerman, The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets from the Early Cold War and Korea, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1998, pp. 152-154;  see also Williams and Wallace, p. 264.